Per Kleiva: Blad fra imperialismens dagbok, 1971
Per Kleiva og de andre kunstnerne i grafikergruppa GRAS spilte en viktig rolle i den politiske kunsten tidlig på 1970-tallet.
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Per Kleiva: Blad fra imperialismens dagbok, 1971
Du kan abonnere på steigan.no her. Det koster ingenting.
Men hvis du vil være med på å opprettholde og styrke vår kritiske og uavhengige journalistikk, kan du også gjøre det:
Vipps: 116916.
Eller du kan betale inn på Mot Dags støttekonto: 9001 30 89050 – eller gå inn på vår betalingsordning.
Flott innsats .Takk til han som la ut linken så jeg fikk sett det her i Karibia. Gratulerer med dagen. tone buberg
Kom det eigentleg noko godt ut av Ho chi Minh sin valdlege politikk? Vald skaper gjerne meir vald. Og vanlege folk må ta byrda. Kommunistar tok makta i fleire land på 70 talet. Gjenom ein enorm valdsbruk. Kva står att etter dei eigentleg? Er det noko positivt? I tilhøve til andre land, med eit ana styre?
Tvilar vel om Per Kleiva ville ynskt seg eit samfunn som dette og, der tusentals mista livet:
Land reform and consolidation of power[edit]
Between 1953 and 1956, the North Vietnamese government instituted various agrarian reforms, including «rent reduction» and «land reform». Large landowners and rich peasants were publicly denounced as landlords (địa chủ), and their land distributed to poor and middle peasants, particularly to those with ties to the Communist Party.[28] In some cases there were mass slaughters of landlords. People of the middle- and upper-class, intellectuals, anti-communists, affiliates to the French colonial government and dissidents were also persecuted, imprisoned or killed.[29] Declassified Politburo documents confirm that 1 in 1,000 North Vietnamese (i.e., about 14,000 people) were the minimum quota targeted for execution during the earlier «rent reduction» campaign; the number killed during the multiple stages of the considerably more radical «land reform» was probably many times greater.[30] Lam Thanh Liem, a major authority on land issues in Vietnam, conducted multiple interviews in which communist cadres gave estimates for land reform executions ranging from 120,000 to 200,000. Such figures match the «nearly 150,000 houses and huts which were allocated to new occupants».[31] Landlords were arbitrarily classified as 5.68% of the population, but the majority were subject to less severe punishment than execution. Official records from the time suggest that 172,008 «landlords» were executed during the «land reform», of whom 123,266 (71.66%) were later found to be wrongly classified.[32] Victims were reportedly shot, beheaded, and beaten to death; «some were tied up, thrown into open graves and covered with stones until they were crushed to death».[33] The full death toll was even greater because victims’ families starved to death under the «policy of isolation.»[34] As communist defector Le Xuan Giao explained: «There was nothing worse than the starvation of the children in a family whose parents were under the control of a land reform team. They isolated the house, and the people who lived there would starve. The children were all innocent. There was nothing worse than that. They wanted to see the whole family dead.»[35]
Former Viet Minh official Hoang Van Chi wrote that as many as 500,000 people may have died as a result of the policies of the North Vietnamese government.[36] Ironically, a number of sources have suggested that about 30% of the «landlords» executed were actually communist party members.[31][37][38][39][40] 6,000 peasants were massacred in Ho Chi Minh’s home province of Nghệ An, in a peasant revolt against the communist regime’s collectivization of farmland across the North.[33] There were periodic reports of famine, but not mass death.[41]
Det er sikkert mye man kan kritisere Vietnam for, og jeg skal ikke påstå at de ikke har begått betydelige overgrep. Men jeg vil vise til at det du oppgir her er partisk og at det finnes andre forskere som kritiserer både tallene og grunnlaget for dem. Du støtter deg på Stephen Rosefielde, og han er kjent for å velge de høyeste estimatene på ofre. Andre forskere drar dette i tvil. Denne debatten vil gå minst en generasjon til. (Kanskje lenger, siden vi vet at man fortsatt diskuteret tapstallene under det franske Vendée-opprøret på 1790-tallet.
Uansett kan vel ikke Per Kleiva tas til inntekt for å støtte overgrep i Vietnam. Han viser en krigsmaskin mot natur. Og den virkeligheten var verre enn sjøl vi trodde på den tida. Det regimet som uten tvil har drept flest fra 1965 til i dag er uansett USA. Sjøl om vi skulle godta de høyeste estimatene for ofrene for Pol Pots terror, ligger USA langt foran.